Advanced capitalist societies be undergoing structural transformations in their economies and trade union movement markets that produce growth in nonstandard employment (including part-time, part-year, and fugacious work) and an increasingly segmented push market with many poor-paying jobs in a lower tier service sector. Structural transformations get also created a persistent, deeply entrenched, possibly standing(prenominal), high ordinate of unemployment. Perhaps even more significant, structural unemployment is creating a more-or-less permanent group of under- and unemployables who have little chance to ever thresh poverty (409).
From their Canadian point of view, Baron and Hartnagel report that this has lead to an alarmingly high unemployment rate of 20.3 percent for Canadian males olden 15-24 (410). Unable to obtain "minimal state assistance . . . these y step uphs are left to fend for themselves" (410).
On the American side of the border, the piazza is no less desperate. Unemployment over the past decade has averaged around 6.1 percent for all ages, races, and genders. However, the rate among blacks (11.9 percent) is more than double that among whites (5.3 percent), and for persons surrounded by 16 and 19 years of age, the figure jumps to more than 17 percent. On average, well half of all pink-slippeds are out of work inv
oluntarily, and remain unemployed for an average of 16.6 weeks (Economic Indicators, 12).
Like D'Alessio and Stolzenberg, Chiricos and Bales conclude that prisons do more than patently punish criminals. They act as warehouses to contain surplus labor and control "social dynamite" (720). Nevertheless, they also admit that the "unemployment? horror?
prison thesis is insufficient" of itself to provide a sluttish analysis of the problem, despite its links to the fact that judges out less credibly to offer non-incarceration alternatives to unemployed defendants (720).
Among the key findings by Chiricos and Bales was that the consistently high odds ratio for unemployed black defendants to remain in custody while awaiting exam--five times more likely than white defendants--did not hold for incarceration afterwards conviction. Unemployed blacks and whites were both more than twice as likely to be incarcerated as their employed peers, with the exception of drug-related offenses, for which employed blacks were nearly six times more likely to be sentenced to special jail time (717-718). The most consistent findings made by Chiricos and Bales were that unemployment mattered more than race, but that the interaction of unemployment and race mattered more than all by itself. Unemployed black males who were young or aerated with violent offenses had exceptionally high ratios of incarceration prior to trial and after sentencing (718).
Hagan, J. "Structural and Cultural Disinvestment and the New Ethnographies of Poverty and Crime." coetaneous Sociology, 22 (May 1993), 327-332.
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